The Third Reich in History and Memory
Language: English
Pages: 496
ISBN: 0190228393
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
In the seventy years since the demise of the Third Reich, there has been a significant transformation in the ways in which the modern world understands Nazism. In this brilliant and eye-opening collection, Richard J. Evans, the acclaimed author of the Third Reich trilogy, offers a critical commentary on that transformation, exploring how major changes in perspective have informed research and writing on the Third Reich in recent years.
Drawing on his most notable writings from the last two decades, Evans reveals the shifting perspectives on Nazism's rise to political power, its economic intricacies, and its subterranean extension into postwar Germany. Evans considers how the Third Reich is increasingly viewed in a broader international context, as part of the age of imperialism; discusses the growing emphasis on the larger economic and cultural circumstances of the era; and emphasizes the development of research into Nazi society, particularly in the understanding of Nazi Germany as a political system based on popular approval and consent. Exploring the complex relationship between memory and history, Evans also points out the places where the growing need to confront the misdeeds of Nazism and expose the complicity of those who participated has led to crude and sweeping condemnation, when instead historians should be making careful distinctions.
Written with Evans' sharp-eyed insight and characteristically compelling style, these essays offer a summation of the collective cultural memory of Nazism in the present, and suggest the degree to which memory must be subjected to the close scrutiny of history.
Eichmann Before Jerusalem: The Unexamined Life of a Mass Murderer
Heidegger y el mito de la conspiración mundial de los judíos
The heart of this criminal activity was still dominated by the old elites.42 IV The book’s narrow focus on the involvement of the Foreign Office in the persecution and, ultimately, the mass murder of Germany’s, then Europe’s, Jews, becomes even more relentless in the sections dealing with the war. In his introduction to this part of the commission’s report, Jochen Böhler, author of an important if controversial book on the German invasion and occupation of Poland,43 notes that the Foreign.
Engaging in looting of any kind. Private looting indeed has always gone on side by side with state-sponsored spoliation, but it has also aroused more disapproval. Most notorious of all was Thomas Bruce, seventh Earl of Elgin, British ambassador to the Ottoman court. He obtained permission from the sultan to take away old pieces of stone – the decorative frieze – from the Parthenon in Athens, then under Turkish rule, which he and his team did with such enthusiasm – and carelessness, breaking a.
317, 338 German colonial empire: in Africa, 3, 4–7, 8–11, 12, 13, 15–16, 20, 22, 356, 360, 377, 386, 388; brick elephant in Bremen, 13; broken up at end of First World War, 4, 18, 20–1, 356; brutality during, 4–7, 10–11, 12–13, 15–16, 17, 20, 22, 24, 42, 360, 377, 386, 388; Maji-Maji uprising (1905), 10, 11, 16; Nazi ideology and, 12, 19–21; origins of, 8–9, 15; origins of racial ideology and, 4–6, 7–8, 11–13, 19–21, 360; in Pacific region, 3–4, 7, 9, 15, 356; post-colonial studies and, 7–8;.
And the Third Reich concentrated on the domestic roots of Nazism, on Hitler’s rule in Germany and on the Holocaust. The anti-imperialism of the left, fuelled by the Vietnam War, and perhaps part of the background to Bley’s work, subsided as American troops left and Europe’s remaining colonies were given their independence. In West Germany the legacy of colonialism in everyday life began to vanish with growing economic modernity. Even the grocery shops selling Kolonialwaren – coffee, tea, spices,.
This allegiance reappeared almost instantly, and on a remarkably widespread basis, testifying to the inability of the Nazis to win the positive support of the great majority of working-class Germans.16 The middle classes and the peasantry were more amenable to the Nazi message, given their fear of Communism and their support in varying degrees for an authoritarian solution to Germany’s political, social and economic crisis. Thus they required a much less concentrated application of violence and.